Week 4 - Bolivia

PART 1. Evo Morales, Indigenous Mobilization, and Multicultural Citizenship
Associated Readings

1. Peter Winn, “Children of the sun,” from Americas, pp. 261-269 (2006)
2. José Garcia, “Bolivia: An indigenous movement consolidates power,” in Latin America: Its Problems and Its Promise, pp. 443-454 (2011)

 Handouts ("Course Documents" on Bb)

1. Handout 3. Bolivia Key Dates

I. Introduction to Bolivia (Draws from World Scholar/Latin America & the Caribbean, 2011)
Bolivia is one of two entirely landlocked countries in South America, sharing borders with Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay (the other landlocked country), Chile, and Peru. Since the Andes mountain range runs through the center of Bolivia, mountain life is central to much of Bolivian culture. The country's diverse terrain includes the Altiplano (the high Andean plateau), valleys, and fertile lowlands.  You can see where the Altiplano is situated in the following map-image. Note that both of Bolivia's capitals (La Paz, where the president resides, and Sucre, where the judiciary is) are perched on the Altiplano.

Having lived in this part of Bolivia myself for about six months in the early 1990s, I can say that the Altiplano's geography is remarkable. You can see the immensity of the Andean "high plains" in this photo of yours truly from back in the day:

In all, about one third of Bolivia is made up of mountainous and high-plateau areas and valleys, with the rest made up of lowland plains in the heart of the South American continent. Approximately 75% of Bolivia's population of 10.7 million live in the highlands, and more than 65% live in urban settings. 
Along with Peru and Ecuador, Bolivia is one of South America's primarily "indigenous nations." Indigenous peoples make up the largest demographic group, with almost all Bolivians claiming some indigenous heritage. The two largest indigenous groups are the Quechua and the Aymará. Bolivia's recently exited president, Evo Morales, is an Aymará Indian and former coca farmer (more on this below).

In the following set of pictures, you can see some images of the Altiplano just outside the capital La Paz, of an Aymará festival, and of some focus group research I conducted with Aymará women about childhood respiratory illness:

 
II. Colonial History and Legacies
Prior to the arrival of the Spanish conquistadores in 1526, the area now known as Bolivia was under the rule of the massive Inca Empire. After the Spanish arrived, they soon established settlements. In the 1540s, the discovery of silver mines around the city of Potosí spurred migration and development. Much of the empire's wealth derived from these mines.  Here is Potosí:

Watch this 20-minute documentary about the mines today.

During Bolivia's early colonial period (roughly until the 1800s), it was ruled by "criollos," that is, locally born people of pure or mostly Spanish ancestry. Unlike countries like Brazil which had already begun to import African slaves, the basis for Bolivia's colonial economy was Indian labor and tribute. Criollo's were not aristocrats nor super-wealthy; and, they lived in the same areas where the Indians worked the mines.

Things started to change, however, in the 19th century, when silver mining declined (due to the exhaustion of silver reserves) and power began to shift to a landed aristocracy. (Tin and other minerals would be discovered later and mining would pick up again.) With the decline of silver mining, large-scale farming, primarily in the lowland areas, arose to take its place as the center of Bolivia's economy. The particular model of production followed--especially during the late 1800s--was that of the latifundio. As you may remember from my narrated slideshow from Week 2's blog entry, latifundios are giant, landed estates, and were typically large farms. In Bolivia, latifundios were owned by wealthy elites who typically resided in the cities (analogous to absentee landlords.) Under the previous system, land that Indians lived on was owned communally (by the Indians). In 1874, communal property became illegal in Bolivia, and huge tracts of land were transferred to wealthy elites. The Indians who worked latifundio farms were "bonded peasants"--not slaves and not legally bound to stay. What's more, Indians were increasingly paid money for their work. On the negative side, however, because Indians were now living on the land of the estate owner, they owed rent--placing them in a state of more or less permanent indebtedness.

In 1825, Bolivia became the last mainland colony to declare independence from Spain. In the following decades Bolivia suffered successive incursions and territorial losses as well as political unrest. In 1883, for example, Bolivia lost a war with Chile in the "War of the Pacific" and as a result lost its coastal territories. (Bolivia used to have coastline!) This loss remains a major sore spot for many Bolivians today.

An important point, before continuing: Throughout the colonial period and up until the mid-20th century, the primary non-white, non-mestizo category was "Indian" (indio). When plantation or mine owners looked upon their workers, they didn't see "slaves" and they didn't see pobres (poor people): They saw Indians. Similarly, Bolivia's various indigenous groups didn't identify in class terms, but rather in ethnic terms, as in, "We are Indians." I mention this because it all changed in 1952.

III. 1952 and the MNR Revolution (follows Handout 2 closely)
In 1952, Bolivia had a bona fide revolution that brought about major economic and social change as well as continued political turmoil. The revolution was fueled by the discontent of miners facing decades of exploitative working and living conditions and peasants caught in perpetual debt and without hope of saving money or owning land. Following massive strikes by unionized miners and land invasions by peasants (effectively bringing the national economy to a halt), a political party known as the National Revolutionary Movement (theMovimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario or MNR), rose to power.  What did the MNR do?

1. They nationalized the tin mining industry. (That is, the federal government forcibly took it over from private groups.)
2. They broke up the latifundio system. Large estates were expropriated and land parcels were given to peasants willing to work them.

The MNR government was not anti-capitalist. In fact, they promoted a form of "state capitalism" in which the federal government controlled capitalist economic development. While they had broken up several latifundios owned by elite families, they left alone many large-scale agricultural businesses.  What's more, they stimulated the development of agro-business by providing loans, technical support, and government subsidies for agro-businesses. They also encouraged highland Indians who had been working in the mines to switch to agricultural labor, so as to provide a workforce for the growing agro-business sector.

It was in these years--the middle decades of the 20th century--that the ethnic  category "Indian" (indio) which had been so fundamental to social relations became subsumed by another category: campesino. Those of you familiar with rural settings in Latin America may be familiar with this term. It is typically translated as "peasant." It differs from Indio in that it is a class-based rather than an ethnic term. Prior to the 1952 revolution, if you had asked a miner or farmer, "What group do you belong to?" the answer would have almost certainly been "Yo soy Indio" ("I am an Indian."). Post-revolution, the answer transformed into "Yo soy campesino" ("I am a peasant.") This shift from an ethnicity- to class-based identity had significant implications for social mobilizations in the decades to come. (More on this below.)

IV. Neoliberalism's Entry
From 1964 to 1982, Bolivia was controlled by military regimes (dictatorship by military generals), as was taking also taking place in neighboring countries such as Brazil, Chile, and Argentina. The 1970s were tough times for Bolivia's agricultural sector. During the military years, there had been little investment in the highland economy and it had become increasingly difficult for rural families to survive. As a result, the government undertook resettlement initiatives to encourage upland campesinos to move to the lowland areas, especially in Bolivia's southern region. The two areas that received the greatest influx of highland campesinos during these years were Santa Cruz and the Chaparé.  (Follow both of the preceding links to see where these two regions are located.)

Soon after the restoration of civilian rule with elections in 1982, Bolivia found itself in the same economic crisis that had been sweeping Latin America (beginning with Mexico's 1982 default on its international debt repayment). To get itself out of this crisis (i.e., to save enough money to maintain repayment of its own debt), Bolivia enacted structural adjustment policies emphasizing trade liberalization, privatization, and a general "opening up" of the national economy to the international market. In fact, it was the during the presidency of Victor Paz that Bolivia firmly embraced what would later be called a neoliberal model, emphazing the privatization of government corporations, reduction in state subsidies, and a diminished government role in social welfare. Google Victor Paz and see if you can discover why it was highly ironic that it was he who introduced neoliberalism in Bolivia. (If you can find out, squeeze the answer into one of your discussion board postings.)

The 1990s were a fascinating, complicated, and troubling decade for Bolivia.  As elsewhere in South America, Bolivia expanded its embrace of the neoliberal economic paradigm, especially under the presidency of Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, also known as "Goni." You'll learn a lot about Goni in this week's film, "Our Brand is Crisis" (although the film focuses on his second term).

V. Goni
In this week's readings, you will learn about some of Goni's major accomplishments, including constitutional reforms which redefined Bolivia as a “multi-ethnic and pluricultural nation." To us, his vision for Bolivia will likely seem paradoxical, since it emphasized both indigenous autonomy and neoliberal economic development. To understand this, consider the landmark 1994 "Law of Popular Participation." This law gave guaranteed that 20 percent of federal tax revenues would be transferred to Bolivia's municipalities (cities).  Moreover, it transferred substantial political power to the local level. With this influx of funds and power to cities, however, came enormous tasks. After the Law's passing, cities would now take on responsibility for maintaining services such as health, education, and systems of irrigation for agricultural plots. In effect, then, this Law ushered in the privatization of services for which the federal government had formerly been responsible. Have a look at the video clip below, which provides an optimistic, official government assessment of the "Law of Popular Participation":

By 2000, "privatization" had become a pejorative term for poor people in Bolivia. Check out the following clip to learn what happened when the water--all of the water--for Bolivia's third largest city, Cochabamba, was privatized (sold off to a San Francisco company):

In 2002, Goni was re-elected for a second term in office. As you will learn when you watch "Our Brand is Crisis," Goni attempted to sell off Bolivia's natural gas industry to a foreign company. For this, he paid a hefty price--nationwide protests leading to his eventual resignation in 2003.

If you have not yet watched "Our Brand is Crisis," watch it now.

VI. Evo Morales
Evo Morales, one of the first indigenous leaders of the country and a close personal friend of controversial and now-deceased Venezuelan leader Hugo Chávez, was elected president in 2005. Have a look at this short dispatch from a New York Times journalist about the Morales campaign.

As mentioned above, Morales was a coca farmer before his political rise.
Here, it is important that you understand: Coca is not the same thing as cocaine.  Coca is a native South American plant, central to Andean cultural practices.  When chewed, coca acts as a mild stimulant and suppresses hunger, thirst, pain, and fatigue. (It also makes a nice tea.) With these properties, as you might guess, it is appealing and useful for people working in highland areas--and indeed is used by the vast majority of Aymará and Quechua Indians.

In the twenty-first century, international pressure for eradication of the coca crop has increased. Indigenous peoples in Bolivia have traditionally grown coca and chewed coca leaves, but illegal refinement of the crop into cocaine has drawn international criticism, including from the United States.

Now check him out on "The Daily Show" (2007 episode):

The Daily Show With Jon Stewart	Mon - Thurs 11p / 10c
President Evo Morales
www.thedailyshow.com
Daily Show Full Episodes Political Humor & Satire Blog The Daily Show on Facebook

Morales instituted a program of redistribution of wealth to the poor and indigenous communities through land reform and greater government involvement in the natural gas industry. In February 2009 voters approved a new constitution that allowed for immediate presidential re-election. Later that year, Morales was re-elected for a five-year term. Political leaders in the eastern region of Bolivia, especially Santa Cruz, have been fierce opponents of the Morales administration. After 2006, they mobilized protests and staged referendums in favor of regional autonomy.  

Contemporary Bolivia has broken down along east-west lines in terms of economics, ethnicity, and politics, with the eastern lowlands populated by European descendants and the western highlands by mostly indigenous peoples, who became more politically active in the late twentieth century.

In short: Under Evo Morales, power in Bolivia shifted away from a wealthy, outward-looking white minority that dominated Bolivian politics under the banner of neoliberalism, toward a much poorer, inward-looking indigenous majority excluded in recent decades from exercising power on a national scale.

PART 2. Meanings of Indigenous
Associated Readings

1. Thomas Grisaffi, “After the Referendum: Evo Morales and the Movement Towards Socialism @FocaalBlog” (2015)
2. Emily Achtenberg, “Evo's Bolivia at a Political Crossroads,” NACLA 48(4), pp. 372-380 (2016)

The articles by Grisaffi and by Achtenberg provide sobering updates on Evo Morales and the growing tensions between indigenous and Euro-descendant people in Bolivia. As Grisaffi explains:

Since 2005, Morales MAS party “has had many notable triumphs. The middle class has grown to encompass 10 percent of the population, economic growth is greater than it has been in decades, and there have been big advances in terms of civil and social rights. Cash transfers, a new minimum wage, and investment in health, basic infrastructure, and education have improved the lives of the poorest and most vulnerable sectors of society (Farthing and Kohl 2014). The figures speak for themselves; extreme poverty has fallen from 38 percent in 2005 to 17 percent in 2014, and the gap between the richest 10 per‐ cent and the poorest 10 percent has fallen from 128 to 39 times (BIF 2016).”

And yet, Achtenberg reminds us: “Bolivians have experienced their fair share of corruption, conflict, division, and poor planning, but on balance most Bolivians have done better under a left-leaning government.”

Grisaffi also gives us updates on Morales’s initiatives on maintaining coca production while supporting cocaine eradication efforts, summed up in Morale’s slogan “coca yes, cocaine no.” This campaign, Grisaffi report:

“has had surprising success. Morales definitively broke with the anti-narcotics model of the United States, replacing the militarized eradication of coca crops with a community-based coca control strategy. The new policy draws on the coca growers’ own distinction between coca leaf, which has been consumed by indigenous Andeans for millennia, and cocaine, the illicit drug. The strategy legalized the cultivation of a small amount of coca leaf in specific zones, encourages agricultural unions to self-police to ensure growers do not exceed this limit, and envisions the industrialization and export of coca-based products such as teas, hand cream, and toothpaste. The program has substantially reduced the coca crop while simultaneously respecting human rights and allowing farmers to diversify their livelihoods. In spite of the program’s benefits, US policymakers have remained steadfastly against this innovative approach (Grisaffi and Ledebur 2016).”

To better understand the story of coca eradication in Bolivia, have a look at this clip.

Achtenberg’s article shows us how mobilizations around natural resources have been central to social conflicts in Bolivia in recent years. In fact, this statement applies throughout South America, and especially in the Andes. (In Bolivia, you may remember this happened with the so-called “Water War” (2003) and “Gas Wars” (2005). These days, a major natural resource causing conflict is the range of minerals being mined. As Achtenberg writes, however, the Morales government has managed to successfully profit from mining, which has in turn benefitted Bolivia’s poor and indigenous people: “The vast increase in the value of Bolivia’s hydrocarbons and mineral exports has been largely recaptured by the state and redistributed to benefit the country’s poor and indigenous majority. Popular cash transfer programs for the elderly, schoolchildren, and pregnant women have markedly reduced poverty rates and improved living standards. Public investment—in schools, hospitals, roads, domestic gas connections, and other infrastructure projects—has increased eight-fold in 10 years. At the same time, under the banner of “decolonization,” the Morales government has granted constitutional and legal protections to indigenous groups and provided significant opportunities for educational and economic advancement by people of indigenous descent.”

In 2016, Morales supporters attempted to pass a referendum that would allow him to run for an additional term in office. (The existing constitution allows for only two terms in office, and Morales was on his second term.) This attempt, however, failed. Please watch this short New York Times clip describing this defeat.